The Johnson Society (Lichfield)

A book published in Ripon as a privately sponsored edition of Sermons by Samuel Johnson, LL.D. left for publication by John Taylor, LL.D., Prebendary of Westminster, in 1835, was decorated with a fore-edge painting showing Dr Johnson’s birthplace and part of Market Street, Lichfield. Another copy of this book published in the same edition was embellished with a fore-edge painting of a view of Lichfield. Fore-edge painting on books was a craft practised in England mainly in the nineteenth century, in which a picture painted on the edge of the leaves of a book remains invisible when the book is closed and is seen only when the leaves of the book are splayed at an angle. Some information concerning the publication of this edition is given and the fore-edge paintings are described, discussed and illustrated.

The first volume of John Taylor’s Sermons on different subjects, was published by the Rev. Samuel Hayes in 1788, in the year of the death of Johnson’s friend from the time of their school days, the Rev. Dr John Taylor LL.D; a second volume followed in 1789¹. In a later edition of the sermons published in 1812, the title was changed to Sermons attributed to Samuel Johnson². Boswell wrote that he had "no doubt that a good many sermons were composed for Taylor by Johnson. …" ³. He not only "found, upon his table, a part of one which he had newly begun to write", but there was also the "internal evidence from the power of thinking and style." ³ Twenty-five years later another edition was published with the title Sermons by Samuel Johnson, LL.D. left for publication by John Taylor, LL.D., Prebendary of Westminster; Ripon: printed by T. Proctor, Market-Place, 1835. This edition with its provincial imprint was paid for by a wealthy widow, Mrs Lawrence, whose "beautiful and far-famed estate of Studley Royal" ⁴ was two miles from Ripon. Copies were handsomely bound in coloured morocco. This publication which was sponsored by Mrs Lawrence provided her with personal copies to use as gifts for chosen friends and acquaintances.

A morocco-bound presentation volume, now in the Bodleian Library, was given by Mrs Lawrence to the Reverend Andrew Cassels in March, 1835. In the book, Andrew Cassels recorded an extract from the letter which Mrs Lawrence sent him to accompany her gift: "A book that I have been instrumental in having printed at Ripon – they having been hitherto printed under the description of Sermons left for publication by Dr Taylor for whom Dr Johnson wrote them – but so long ago that few people are now living besides myself, who remember the fact. I sent them to an old friend, whose husband as well as Dr Taylor was a prebendary of Westminster, (and) when she heard him preach, exclaimed ‘that Sermon was Dr Johnson’s’ – a circumstance I mention as additional evidence of the fact".⁵

In 1808, Mrs Elizabeth Sophia Lawrence (1761-1844) (Figure 1) inherited a large estate, Studley Royal or Studley Park, near Ripon, as well as other properties, which came to her from her mother’s family, following her only brother’s premature death. In an account of her life it is related that "she proved herself a most worthy possessor of this noble property".⁴ The project by which she arranged to have the sermons printed, published and bound locally in Ripon at her expense, was on a tiny scale by comparison with some of her major benefactions. She was particularly known for the support she gave to a project for the preservation of the remains of Fountains Abbey. In addition, we are told, "Mrs Lawrence was steadfastly and affectionately attached to the established church, and ever earnest and studious to promote the inculcation of its pure and scriptural doctrines, either by the erection and endowment of churches and chapels, the establishment of parochial schools, the academical or clerical education of humble but meritorious students, or by the many other means that were unceasingly submitted to her consideration; in short, there was no project having for its end the spiritual welfare of mankind, or the amelioration of human suffering, that did not find in her a sincere, zealous, and valuable friend. … In many cases, indeed, her benevolence was doubly estimable, since it maintained in decent respectability persons of character and worth, who must otherwise have been inevitably urged by the pressure of adverse circumstances into a lowly sphere of life, unacquainted with its habits, unprotected by its obscurity, and exposed to the insults and ingratitude of an ungenerous and uncharitable world." ⁴

Another copy of the book, this one in the library of the Royal College of Physicians of London, is similarly bound in morocco. The special feature of this copy is that, if the book is held closed but with its leaves splayed, a well-executed fore-edge painting of the Johnson Birthplace is seen.^6. The Market Square is shown with a view which includes the statues of both Dr Samuel Johnson and James Boswell, as well as showing houses and shops in the square, in Market Street. Other details include a hansom cab, a horse-drawn wagon and small figures apparently attired in Edwardian dress (Figure 2).

The fact that the scene represented in the fore-edge painting includes the statue of James Boswell shows that the artist painted it after September 1908, when the statue was presented to the city of Lichfield through the generosity of Mr Percy Fitzgerald.⁷ By contrast, the statue of Samuel Johnson was erected seventy years earlier, in August 1838, only three years after the book was published. The inclusion of the Boswell statue in the painting is, however, proof that Mrs Lawrence had no personal involvement with this extra embellishment.

Painted decorations on the edges of the pages of a book are known as fore-edge paintings. The edges of the leaves of some bound medieval manuscripts were decorated when the book was held closed; the decoration is then seen when the closed book is viewed in a normal way. A different practice, which was almost exclusively English, was adopted much later and involved painting, in water-colour, decorations or views on the fanned out fore-edge of a book. After the painting had dried, the edges were then squared up and gilded or marbled, so that the normally closed book showed no trace of any painting.

A few examples are known which date from the 17^th century, but it was William Edwards (1723-1808), from a distinguished Yorkshire family of binders and booksellers, who pioneered the taste for painted landscapes on the fore-edges of books in the middle of the 18^th century. In the late 19^th century there was a revival of interest in fore-edge paintings, with the result that the majority of fore-edge paintings now available are little more than a century old, though they are sometimes painted in earlier styles or as copies of previously known fore-edge paintings.

Two copies of The Sermons in the edition sponsored by Mrs Lawrence are included in the Hyde Collection at Four Oaks Farm, New Jersey, USA. On the fore-edge of one of these morocco-bound volumes is a skilfully executed painting of a view of Lichfield, which is based on a drawing described as "east view showing Stowe pool and brook", drawn by C. Stanfield R.A., engraved by E. Finden, London, and published by John Murray, Albemarle Street, London, 1835 (Figure 3). This copy is noted by Fleeman in A bibliography of the works of Samuel Johnson.⁸

The print was published in the same year that Mrs Lawrence’s edition of The Sermons appeared. As is often the case with fore-edge paintings, the name of the artist is not known, but it seems likely that she (nearly all those known to have practised this art and who received commissions to paint fore-edge paintings were women) painted the picture soon after the book was published. One can only speculate whether Mrs Lawrence herself arranged this.

Presentation copies with special bindings from the edition of Sermons by Samuel Johnson LL.D. left for publication by John Taylor, which was sponsored by Mrs Lawrence, were typical of the kind of books favoured as suitable for fore-edge paintings. Another copy was decorated with a scene of seven sailing ships.⁹ There may be others with fore-edge paintings of similar scenes or perhaps with views relating to Lichfield and Dr Johnson.

1.    JohnTaylor. Sermons on different subjects, left for publication by John Taylor, LL.D. Published by the Revd. Samuel Hayes AM 2 volumes.
        London: for T.. Cadell, 1788, 1789.

2.    John Taylor, Sermons attributed to Samuel Johnson, LL.D. and left for publication by John Taylor, LL.D. Fifth edition. London: for
        John Ebers, etc., 1812.

3.    Hill, G.B./ 9Ed.) Boswell's Life of Johnson.....Six volumes
        Oxford: Clarendon press, 1887. Vol 3, page 181.

4.    Ripon Millenary Record, a record of a festival
        Ripon: printed by W. Harrison, 1892
        This publication includes biographical information concerning Mrs Lawrence.

5.    Johnson, Samuel. Sermons by Samuel Johnson LL.D. left for publication by Dr John Taylor LL.D., Prebendary of Westminster
        Ripon: Printed by T. Proctor

6.    Davenport, G., McDonald, I., and Moss-Gibbons, C. 9Eds). The Royal College of Physicians and its Collections - an illustrated history.
        London: James and James, 2001
        The fore-edge painting is illustrated in colour on page 86.

7.    Callender, H. J. A Short Guide to Places of Johnsonian Interest.
        City and County of Lichfield, n.d. (ca 19550.

8.    Fleeman, J. D. Bibliography of the works of Samuel Johnson. 2 volumes.
        Oxford: Clarendon press, 2000.

9.    The Tinker Library. Catalogue of the books and manuscripts collected by Chauncey brewster Tinker compiled by Robert F. Metzdorf.
        New Haven: Yale university Press, 1959. Catalogue entry:1386.
 

Acknowledgements

Mrs Sally Edgecombe very kindly provided me with bibliographic information and sources. I am grateful to The Royal College of Physicians for permission to make use of the illustration of the fore-edge painting of the Johnson birthplace and Market; the help of Dr Ian McDonald, Harveian Librarian and of Caroline-Moss Gibbons and Julie Beckwith has been much appreciated. I am greatly indebted to Mr Gabriel Austin, Librarian to the Hyde Collection at Four Oaks Farm, New Jersey, and to his research colleagues, Mr Ed. Staats and Ms Marcia Levinson.

Photograph of a printed copy of an engraving, entitled ‘The late Mrs Lawrence, from an old print’, which is included in Ripon Millenary Record, a record of the festival: printed by W. Harrison, Ripon, 1892.

Photograph of a scan of a colour illustration of this fore-edge painting included in The Royal College of Physicians and its collections – an illustrated history, edited by G. Davenport, I. McDonald and C. Moss-Gibbons, 2001. (By kind permission of the Royal College of Physicians).

Print of an east view showing Stowe pool and brook. The view was drawn by C. Stanfield, R.A., engraved by E. Finden, London, and published by John Murray, Albemarle Street, 1835. A copy of the print is held in the Four Oaks Library, New Jersey, and another in the William Salt Library, Stafford (SV V.148b). (The illustration shown here is taken from a photograph of a photostat kindly supplied from the Hyde Collection at Four Oaks Farm).

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Sir John Floyer died in 1734 at the age of 85 when Samuel Johnson was a young man of 25. Johnson had a lifelong interest in Sir John Floyer and thought that his contributions and achievements deserved wider recognition. When Johnson wrote to Edward Cave on 25 November 1734, he urged him to widen the subject matter of The Gentleman's Magazine to include "short dissertations in Latin and English, critical remarks on authors ancient and modern, forgotten poems that deserve reviving, or loose pieces like Floyer's, worth preserving."¹ Many years later, in a footnote, John Nichols, the editor of Literary anecdotes of the eighteenth century recorded that Johnson, "a very short time before his death, strongly pressed" him "to give some account of the life and works of Sir John Floyer, whose learning and piety", the Doctor said, "deserve recording."² Johnson considered Floyer to be "in general a man of civility and elegance."³ Johnson himself saw only one of Floyer's "loose pieces" into print, a letter which Floyer wrote in 1728 to Mr. John King an apothecary in Bungay on the subject of cold bathing, which was published in The Gentleman's Magazine in 1734.⁴ Johnson was, however, familiar with Floyer as an author, for he was among those whose writings Johnson used to illustrate the meaning of individual words in A dictionary of the English language. Furthermore, Michael Johnson was involved in publishing four of the books which Sir John Floyer wrote. In such a context there can be little doubt that Samuel Johnson would have favoured further exploration of links between Sir John Floyer and his contemporaries in Lichfield, in this instance members of the Stanhope family.

When he started in practice as a physician in Lichfield in 1676 after spending some twelve years at the University of Oxford, Dr John Floyer (1649-1734) lived at an address in Tamworth Street. In 1680, following his marriage to Mary Fleetwood, elder daughter of Sir Henry Archbold and widow of Arthur Fleetwood, he acquired Culstubbe Hall, an imposing house in St. John's Street, opposite St. John's Hospital and near the Grammar School. Though he was knighted by Charles II in Whitehall on 24 January 1684 for local political services rather than for contributions to medicine, throughout his career he led the life of a busy and scholarly physician. Gregory King in the census which he carried out in Lichfield in 1695, listed those living in Culstubbe Hall as Sir John Floyer, John and Archbold his two sons, his unmarried sister True Floyer, and three servants. His wife, Mary, had by then died, and his sister True was, no doubt, helping to supervise the domestic arrangements in a busy household at a time when part of the home was also used for professional purposes. On 6 March 1706 Sir John Floyer, who had been a widower for at least ten years, was married in Lichfield Cathedral to Dame Margaret Whitehall; it is likely that Floyer was by then living in a house in the Cathedral Close.

Sir John Floyer and his first wife, Mary had two sons, John (1681-1762) and Archbold (b. 1683). Archbold was apprenticed to his uncle, Sir Peter Floyer, a prosperous goldsmith in the City of London; no more is known of Archbold and it is likely that he died young. Sir John's elder son, John Floyer (John II), lived at Longdon Hall, held various offices in Lichfield and in 1741-2 was briefly Tory MP for Tamworth. He married Catherine, daughter of Edward Littleton MP of Pillaton Hall, Staffordshire. There were two children of the marriage, John (1716-1720) (John III) and Suzannah (1717-1800). John III, who died aged 4, when his grandfather was aged 71, was Sir John Floyer's only grandson. Before the boy's death, Sir John Floyer dedicated a manuscript to him on the subject of medical education. Sadly, with his death, any hopes which his elderly grandfather had that the boy might one day grow up to follow him into the profession of medicine as a physician, came to an end. The manuscript was among those he deposited in the library of The Queen's College in Oxford, where he had himself matriculated as a boy of 15, in 1664.

In 1712, it was on Sir John Floyer's advice that the ailing thirty month-old Sam Johnson, suffering from scrofula (tuberculous infection of lymph glands of the neck) was taken by his mother to Westminster Abbey to be touched by Queen Anne for the King's Evil. Near the end of The Life of Samuel Johnson, Boswell mentioned Sir John Floyer as the author of A Treatise of the Asthma. Sir John Floyer gave a copy of the book to Lichfield cathedral library; Johnson Borrowed it from the library on 17 July 1784 and returned it on 9 November 1784, some five weeks before he died. Only three days after borrowing the book he wrote to Dr. Brocklesby in London from the home of his old friend, The Reverend John Taylor, with whom he was staying for the last time in Ashbourne: "I am now looking into Floyer, who lived with his asthma to almost his ninetieth year. His book by want of order is obscure; and his asthma, I think, not of the same kind with mine. Something however I may perhaps learn."⁵ Sir John Floyer's book on asthma advanced understanding of spasmodic bronchial asthma, but Johnson was right to doubt the relevance of the observations to his own condition.

Sir John Floyer wrote extensively on medical and theological subjects. Between the ages of 38 and 77 he was the author of twelve books, four of which were published by Michael Johnson. In several of these books, Floyer added letters, appendices and postscripts on a variety of topics, though they sometimes had little or no connection with the subjects indicated in the main titles. As an example, Floyer appended a letter he had written on a theological subject Concerning the interpretation of Daniel's Prophecy, Chapter the Ninth, according to the Septuagint, to the last medical book he wrote, which had the title A comment on forty-two histories described by Hippocrates in the First and Third Books of the Epidemics (1726). In addressing his letter to The Rev. Dr. John Gibson, Provost of The Queen's College in Oxford, Floyer wrote: "Sir, I have always made divine subjects part of my study; and now I have printed this physical tract, I here present to you a specimen of my interpretation of Daniel's Prophecy ..."⁶ At least since 1713, when his book on The Sybilline Oracles was published, Floyer's interest in theological subjects extended to prophetic writings and millennial interpretations, calculations and predictions. Two other subjects which occupied his thoughts and in which there was a more obvious overlap between the theological and the medical, were baptism and bathing. Floyer's tract An essay to restore the dipping of infants in their baptism; with a dialogue betwixt a curate and a practitioner, concerning the manner of immersion was published in 1722; with this essay his views on a separate topic were published in A letter to the Right Honourable Mr. C —S—, Concerning the inoculation of the small pox, which is a greater severity to infants, than their immersion in their baptism. In 1724, Floyer wrote another letter to the same person, but on a different subject. This was published as an addendum to the second edition of Floyer's book on geriatric health, Medicina Gerocomica: or, the Galenic art of preserving old men's healths ..(1725), with a separate title page, A letter to the Honourable Mr. Ch—St —: Concerning the regimen of the health of the younger years and adults, as Galen has described them.

Whose identity did Sir John Floyer wish to conceal, at least in part, when he addressed him by his initials rather than his using his full name? The concluding sentence of Sir John Floyer's six-page letter Concerning the inoculation of the small pox ..., which he wrote in 1722, gave the age of the Right Honourable Mr. C —S — as fourteen. "May the same divine Providence who hath preserved your health and life to 14 years, continue the same blessings to fourscore: this is the hearty prayer of him who is, Your Honour's, most humble and faithful servant, J.F."⁷ It is thus evident that Sir John Floyer wrote this letter to a boy who was born in 1708. The Honourable Charles Stanhope, fourth son of Lord Philip Stanhope and his wife Elizabeth Savile, daughter of the Marquis of Halifax, was born on 6 September 1708. He lived nearby with his family in the Cathedral Close in the Bishop's Palace, which his father rented from the Dean and Chapter.⁸ On the death of the second Earl of Chesterfield (1633-1713), the boy's father became the third Earl of Chesterfield (1672/3-1725/6). Charles Stanhope had three older brothers and two sisters. His eldest brother, Philip Dormer Stanhope (1694-1773), who became the fourth Earl of Chesterfield in 1726, was in due course famously rebuked by Samuel Johnson for his lack of support during Johnson's years of toil on the Dictionary. Floyer's hopes that Charles Stanhope would survive in good health into old age were not fufilled. Charles Stanhope, who became MP for Derby town in his early twenties, died when he was only 27, in February 1736.

In a medical document headed "The humble petition of the Right Honourable Phillip (sic) Lord Stanhope" addressed " to the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty," Charles Stanhope's father described his symptoms.⁹ With the endorsement of Sir John Floyer, the document served as a medical certificate with which to petition Queen Anne for permission to travel to France, at a time when England and France were at war. The petition is not dated but was written before 1713, the year in which Lord Philip Stanhope became the third Earl of Chesterfield. "That your petitoner being under the greatest indisposition of health, with continual pains in the head, and want of hearing, which 'tis believed by the Physitians will turn to an Apoplexy if not prevented, Humbly sues to your Majesty, for a pass and leave to goe to the Waters of Bourbon in France for the sake of his health, which his Physitians are of Opinion cannot otherways be recovered. Your petitioner haveing tried all things here in England without any effect. And your Petitioner as in duty bound shall ever pray for your Majesty's Long life and prosperous Raigne."⁹ Sir John Floyer duly certified and signed the petition: "I humbly certifie the Contents of the Petition above written to be true And am of Opinion That it is very necessary for my Lord Stanhope to goe to Bourbon for Recovery of his health as the most proper place for the purpose."¹⁰ Though Lord Philip Stanhope's symptoms were apparently intractable and unresponsive to any treatment he received in England, they were not immediately life threatening, for he did not die until 14 years later, at the age of 54, when he was the third Earl of Chesterfield. The opportunity to take the waters at Bourbonne-les-Bains hopefully at least alleviated his symptoms.

Sir John Floyer donated many medical books to the library of The Queen's College, Oxford. Among these was a relatively little known work written in Latin, first published in 1677 on the subject of apoplexy, by Justus Cortnumm (ca.1624-1675) who was also known as Justus Conradus Michaelis. Floyer had a copy of the second edition, Nova, utilis ac curiosa apoplexiam …, published in Hildesheim in Saxony in 1685. On the blank endpapers, a child has pencilled a claim to ownership with the inscription "John Stanhope his book". Among squiggles and doodles in pencil, a circle has been drawn acompanied by the words "honourable peny (sic) coin". The likely identity of the boy scribbler is The Honourable John Stanhope, who was born on 5 January 1704/5, the third son of the future third Earl of Chesterfield, and therefore some three years older than his younger brother, Charles. Sir John Floyer was presumably the owner of the book, for he gave it to Queen's College. There can, however, be little doubt that the book was in the Stanhope household in the Bishop's Palace for a time, presumably lent by Floyer to his patient, Lord Philip Stanhope, in the hope that reading it would provide him with a more informed understanding of apoplexy. If the book had been left lying about, young John Stanhope would have had the opportunity to use the blank pages for practising his early writing skills. Whatever the truth of such conjectures, the book together with its provenance, offers a further small insight into Sir John Floyer's close involvement with the Stanhope family.

Lady Mary Wortley Montagu who introduced the Turkish practice of inoculation to England was distantly related to Lord Philip Stanhope. Many years after her death, Lady Mary’s great niece arranged for a fine mural monument to be placed in Lichfield Cathedral, in memory of her contribution to the prevention of smallpox. Sir John Floyer was among those who, soon after inoculation was first used in England, strongly opposed the practice, both on theological and on medical grounds. He expressed his views in 1722 in A letter to the Right Honourable Mr. C —S — concerning the inoculation of the small pox, which is a greater severity to infants, than their immersion in their baptism. Charles Stanhope had apparently already made his own decision to refuse inoculation, after which Sir John Floyer wrote to support him in the stand he had taken. "I believe you had some good admonition from your guardian angel, when you refused the inoculation ... ".¹⁰ He introduced his letter with examples of recent press reports of the dangers of inoculation. "I suppose your Honour may have heard of many persons that have been inoculated for the small pox, and that it is reputed a safe way, but I think nothing is to be concealed from a person whose health I wish, who may be over persuaded to try that new method. But I fear you will be surprised when I have told you, that some persons have miscarried in that operation; you may have heard in the newspapers of the Lord Sunderland's son, who died in it, and of the death of Lord Bathurst's servant, and the London Journal gave an account that the daughter of Lord De la Warr was dangerously ill, under that modish experiment as he calls it; to which I may add, that a young physician was inoculated, and died; and the Evening Post, at the end of August, mentions many particular persons who suffered by it. I question not that there are many more unfortunate trials, which I have not heard of, and till they appear, I will here give you my reasons why I don’t approve of this practice."¹⁰ Isobel Grundy has described in detail the differences of opinion and debates that ensued following the introduction of inoculation. After 1720, "vituperation sharpened and pamphleteers locked horns as fiercely as reporters."¹¹ Floyer probably wrote his letter to Charles Stanhope on the subject, soon after July 1722 when The Reverend Edmund Massey preached a vehemently anti-inoculation sermon, which received wide publicity.¹²

The letter dated 19 September 1724, which Floyer wrote to The Honourable Mr. Ch —St—: concerning the regimen of the health of the younger years and adults, as Galen has described them, was published in 1725 in the second edition of Medicina Gerocomica, Charles Stanhope, who was 15 when Medicina Gerocomica first appeared in 1724, must have written to congratulate Floyer on his latest book, for Floyer gratefully acknowledged Charles Stanhope’s commendation: "I can return your Honour no better answer than this essay, to your ingenious letter, in which you tell me that the preserving of old mens healths will be of service to all the world, and by following the same rules we may preserve the young, as well as the old."¹³ He then went on to convey information that he felt would be of more relevance to the boy than tips for keeping healthy in old age. "I ought not to be wanting in any service I can do, I therefore reviewed my old Galen, that you might consider his directions, for the preserving of the healths of infants, of youth, and of the middle age, as well as the old; and that by avoiding the external injuries done to human bodies, and the extravagancies of younger years, you may arrive at a healthful old age, and then live an example of piety, wisdom, and virtue, to the generations which must succeed."¹⁴ Throughout his professional life as a physician Sir John Floyer interpreted both health and sickness within the context of Galenic medicine. New developments in medicine were by then challenging Galenic interpretations. Floyer was able to make some adjustments to the changes but, in his letter to Charles Stanhope which he wrote after reviewing his "old Galen", he based his advice on how to remain healthy at each stage of life, entirely on Galenic thinking.

Ending his last letter to Charles Stanhope Sir John Floyer wrote "I have no more to write on this subject, but will conclude with my hearty prayers for your success in your studies of arts and sciences, which will accompany your great genius for the service of God and your country."¹⁵ Samuel Johnson, a year younger than Charles Stanhope, was then 15 and, on his uncle’s advice, was in the process of moving from Lichfield Grammar School to Stourbridge. Floyer knew both boys though, in view of the difference in the social status of their families, the boys themselves may never have met. Sir John Floyer’s relationship with The Honourable Charles Stanhope was clearly a close one, for the elderly physician became a friend and mentor of Charles Stanhope during his teenage years. Perhaps their friendship gave Sir John Floyer some solace following the death of his only grandson, for whom he had such high hopes.

Mr. Douglas Johnson of the William Salt Library, Stafford, has given me encouragement, guidance and expert help over many years, on matters relating to Sir John Floyer. The staff of the library of The Queen's College, Oxford, has invariably been welcoming and helpful, and I am particularly indebted to Miss Helen Powell and to Mr. Jonathan Bengtson.

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The Johnson Society, The Birthplace Museum, Breadmarket Street,
Lichfield, Staffs. WS13 6LG
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